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Migrants and Identity in Japan and Brazil: The Nikkeijin by Daniela de Carvalho

By Daniela de Carvalho

Fiscal and social problems first and foremost of the twentieth century triggered many jap to to migrate to Brazil. the placement was once reversed within the Nineteen Eighties because of fiscal downturn in Brazil and labour shortages in Japan. This booklet examines the development and reconstruction of the ethnic identities of individuals of jap descent, to begin with within the technique of emigration to Brazil as much as the Nineteen Eighties, and secondly within the means of go back migration to Japan within the Nineties. The closed nature of Japan's social historical past implies that the impact of go back migration' can truly be visible. Japan is to some degree a distinct sociological specimen because of the absence of any culture of receiving immigrants. This booklet is to start with approximately migration, but additionally covers the $64000 comparable problems with ethnic identification and the development of ethnic groups. It addresses the problems from the twin standpoint of Japan and Brazil. The findings recommend that mutual touch has led neither to a nation of clash nor to 1 of peaceable coexistence, yet particularly to an statement of distinction. it really is argued that the Nikkeijin consent strategically to the social definitions imposed upon their identities and that the problem of the Nikkeijin presence is heavily concerning the rising range of jap society.

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Extra resources for Migrants and Identity in Japan and Brazil: The Nikkeijin

Sample text

When an arms cache was discovered, the general opinion was that there was no doubt that a Japanese invasion was being planned. Since it was not possible to expel all the Japanese because of their numbers, it was necessary to prevent them from grouping together in associations (Correio Paulistano, 5 April 1946, cited in Hatanaka 993: 65). In Parliament the issue of Japanese immigrants was once more taken up. The disputes that took place after the end of the war were seen as a fulfilment of the prophecy that Japanese immigrants would be a danger to Brazil, and the argument that ‘after all the yellow danger was real’ was evoked in the Parliamentary debates over the continuation of Japanese emigration to Brazil after the war (Comissão 1992).

When the immigrants returned to Japan they would pay their respect to their ancestors. In fact, they used to say that when a Japanese person died in Brazil his or her soul returned to Japan (Williams 1948: 92). For this reason, religion was not a very important matter in the host country. For Handa (1987: 725), this was largely because the majority of immigrants were involved in more profitable activities. In any case, the major sects of Japanese Buddhism made no effort to reach the Japanese in Brazil, and, from the mid-1920s to the outbreak of World War II, only a few sects sent representatives to Brazil and only a few temples were erected.

All Japanese living in the same area were expected to belong to the Höjin Shakai (the Society of the Japanese Nationals) and social controls were very effective. If someone disturbed the social order they would be mura hachi bu (literally ‘village eight part’, ostracised), though physical coercion was not used. Usually, the name of the offender would appear in the local Japanese newspaper and that would be enough to maintain social order (Comissão 1992: 92). According to Saito (1961: 217), apart from their role in maintaining social control the communities acted as mediators between the Japanese and the outside world.

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